Ortega's Victory: Another Administration Blunder?




Washington's public efforts to stop Nicaraguans from electing the Sandinista leader prompted a backlash against yanquiinterference
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The U.S. Congress wasn't the only place the Bush Administration suffered electoral embarrassment this week. In Nicaragua, cold-war bogeyman Daniel Ortega — whose Marxist Sandinista government had been an obsession of the Reagan Administration — was elected president again on Sunday despite frantic U.S. lobbying for his defeat. By most accounts, the yanqui politicking — which included a threat to cut off U.S. aid to impoverished Nicaragua if Ortega won — backfired miserably, actually helping boost the Sandinista leader to his first-round victory. That such U.S. pressure tends to work in favor of its opponents is a lesson Washington seems woefully unable to learn in a post-Cold War Latin America whose electorates have unexpectedly turned leftward in recent years.

The election of Ortega — who won with 38% of the vote, about 8 points ahead of his U.S.-backed opponent, conservative banker Eduardo Montealegre — is no doubt a concern. After he and Sandinista guerrillas toppled Nicaragua's brutal dictator, Anastasio Somoza Debayle, in 1979, Ortega led an authoritarian, Soviet-backed regime that wrecked the economy and fought a civil war with U.S.-backed contra rebels that killed some 50,000 people. Ortega was finally ousted in a 1990 election, and for the past 16 years, during which he twice failed to recapture the presidency, he seemed little more than a relic of the communist era.

But a decade after communism's collapse, Latin American voters began to express their anger at the failure of Washington-backed capitalist reforms and free trade agreements to narrow the epic gap between rich and poor in the region. That backlash has helped Ortega, 60, who insists his politics are more moderate today — he is widely viewed as more of a cynical opportunist than a radical Marxist — to take advantage of a divisive feud inside Montealegre's Liberal Constitutionalist Party that ended up splitting its vote this year. As Ortega's poll numbers climbed, the Bush Administration went into panic mode, publicly campaigning against him as it decried equally unabashed efforts by Venezuela's left-wing anti-U.S. president, Hugo Chavez, to boost Ortega. Roger Noriega, who until last year was Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, wrote that an Ortega presidency would "invigorate the axis of leftist proto-dictators led by" Chavez. Familiar Cold Warriors like former U.S. Army Colonel Oliver North, a cynosure of the Contra war, started showing up in Managua to denounce the Sandinista leader. And U.S. Commerce Secretary Carlos Gutierrez even warned recently that the Administration might suspend its almost $200 million in aid to Nicaragua if Ortega won.

The aid threat was reminiscent of a similar one made by then-U.S. Ambassador to Bolivia Manuel Rocha in 2002 regarding left-wing presidential candidate and Chavez acolyte Evo Morales. In Bolivia, the perception of imperious yanqui meddling helped turn Morales into a front-runner who was eventually elected President last year. Gutierrez did much the same for Ortega, says Ortega's running mate, Jaime Morales, a former Contra leader whose house had been confiscated by Ortega in the 1980s (Ortega has since paid him for the home) but who has reconciled and allied with Ortega. "I don't blame the U.S. for all of Nicaragua's problems as many do," says Morales. "But the U.S. and President Bush and his officials still seem to be in a Cold War hangover. They need to realize the Cold War has ended."

The Bush Administration did seem to get it this past summer during Mexico's presidential election. It kept quiet about its support of conservative candidate Felipe Calderon, while his leftist opponent, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, allowed himself to be painted as a Chavez clone. The result was a narrow Calderon victory. This week, perhaps chastened by the result in Nicaragua, the Administration backed off its aid threats and instead swallowed the fact that one of America's most reviled Cold War nemeses is now a democratically elected head of state. "We congratulate the Nicaraguan people," a State Department spokesman said, "for conducting peaceful elections and demonstrating their commitment to democracy."

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Racism and Harold Ford

His loss in the Tennessee Senate race taught a bad lesson. Quite simply, if he were white, he would have won.


For almost a day now, I've been stewing over Harold Ford. I wasn't particularly rooting for him, given that I agree with only about 30% of anything I've ever heard him say. I also question the house logic that a Ford victory would have represented some sort of great achievement for African-Americans. Even if he won, the sun would still come up; we'd still have to deal with dumb bosses, intractable kids and spouses who talk past us. So I was apathetic about a Ford victory. But it's hard to take him losing like this. I'm skeptical of anyone who pins their misfortune exclusively on the color of their skin. But in Harold Ford's case, the awful truth is simple: if he were white, he would have won.

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Can the Republicans Recapture the Spirit of '94?




The battle for leadership of the new minority party in Congress reflects the soul-searching going on after an election drubbing
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After taking a drubbing in this week's congressional elections, the G.O.P. has a plan: rediscovering the Spirit of 1994, the year when the Republicans pulled off their own historic retaking of Congress.

With House Speaker Dennis Hastert deciding to leave his post after the party's defeat, a fierce campaign is already under way for top slots in the House G.O.P. leadership for next year. The candidates have a lot in common — and not just because most of them are middle-aged white men. Nearly every member vying for party power in the new Congress is offering the same description of what ails Republicans and how it can be remedied. It goes something like this: "After 1994, we were a majority committed to balanced federal budgets, entitlement reform and advancing the principles of limited government. In recent years, our majority voted to expand the federal government's role in education, entitlements and pursued spending policies that created record deficits and national debt."

Those are the words of Mike Pence, the Indiana congressman who heads a group of the most conservative G.O.P. members, called the Republican Study Group, and is running to be the top Republican leader in the House. But John Boehner, the Ohio rep and current number two under Hastert who is running against Pence for that post, says he's the man to help Republicans restore the principles they embraced in 1994, since he was one of the authors of the original Contract with America. Joe Barton, a Texas member who currently is chairman of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce, is also considering the top job. Meanwhile John Shadegg, the Arizona congressman who wants the No. 2 job, Minority Whip, is playing up his reform credentials, noting he was elected in the famous freshman class of 1994 that won back the House for Republicans.

The closed-door leadership elections, scheduled for next Friday, will give a clue as to how badly the G.O.P. thinks it needs to reform itself. Boehner took over his post only in February after replacing the scandal-plagued former Majority Leader, Tom DeLay. So much of the spending many House conservatives hated, such as the 2003 Medicare prescription drug bill that President Bush pushed them to approve, happened before Boehner was in the leadership. And Boehner is famous for having never asked for any wasteful pork-barrel projects for his own district, a stance many fiscal conservatives like. Missouri congressman Roy Blunt, who will face Shadegg in the race for Minority Whip, will have a more difficult task running a campaign as a change agent, since he's been in the House leadership for several years; in fact, he lost the race for majority whip to Boehner earlier this year primarily because he was viewed as a member of the old guard. Georgia Rep. Jack Kingston, another member of the current G.O.P. leadership, is running for conference chairman and will face Tennessee's Marsha Blackburn and Florida's Adam Putnam.

A win by Pence, 47, for the top job would suggest a dramatic shift for House Republicans. While he would seek to move the G.O.P. back to the roots of the 1994 movement, he actually comes from a new generation of House Republicans, elected since 2000, who have never served in the minority. And the former conservative talk show host, who calls himself as "a Christian, a conservative and a Republican, in that order," is closer to the conservative Christians who play a big role in G.O.P. politics than most of the current leadership. At the same time, he's been willing to look for compromises on some key issues, attempting earlier this year to fashion an immigration bill that would create a work visa program for illegal immigrants, which many conservatives thought didn't constitute "amnesty," the label they tagged to the Senate Republicans' guest worker bill.

While he's a polite, affable man, Pence has also been a bomb-thrower in much of his time in the House, leading his conservative members in calling for cuts in Medicaid and other programs that some moderate Republicans think could be electoral suicide. Of course, he and other like-minded Republicans will be able to argue, the G.O.P. could hardly do much worse than it did in this week's election.

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Racism and Harold Ford



His loss in the Tennessee Senate race taught a bad lesson. Quite simply, if he were white, he would have won
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For almost a day now, I've been stewing over Harold Ford. I wasn't particularly rooting for him, given that I agree with only about 30% of anything I've ever heard him say. I also question the house logic that a Ford victory would have represented some sort of great achievement for African-Americans. Even if he won, the sun would still come up; we'd still have to deal with dumb bosses, intractable kids and spouses who talk past us. So I was apathetic about a Ford victory. But it's hard to take him losing like this. I'm skeptical of anyone who pins their misfortune exclusively on the color of their skin. But in Harold Ford's case, the awful truth is simple: if he were white, he would have won.

When I first saw the infamous "Harold, call me" ad, I perhaps gave too much credit to the electorate. Ford had opened a small lead at the time, and I dismissed the pundits who argued that the polls were overestimating the willingness of white voters to endorse a black candidate. The ad's obvious appeal to racist stereotypes won't make a dent, I thought.

Ford's loss doesn't mean that we're back in 1956. But to lose over the ancient fear of miscegenation is ridiculous. Almost as ridiculous as the GOP's attempts to woo blacks across the country. This was the year when President Bush addressed the NAACP, Ken Mehlman made very big appeals to African-Americans, and Republicans fielded a dazzling array of black candidates. But all of them, with the exception of Michael Steele, lost by large margins. Steele came close to beating his Democratic opponent in the Maryland Senate race, Ben Cardin, but black voters still went for Cardin by a three to one margin, according to the Washington Post. It's not that African-Americans necessarily reject a Republican agenda, but that they suspect Republicans have no qualms about appealing to the lower instincts of bigots. And the Ford race proved them right.

Ford wasn't above appealing to lower instincts himself. His campaign had no problem deploying the vague rhetoric of family, in hopes of demonstrating that a Democrat could be staunch in discriminating against gays. Ultimately Ford's hope was to build a rainbow coalition, one that would unite rednecks and the ghetto in mutual homophobia. If I lived in Tennessee, I couldn't have voted for either Ford or his opponent, Bob Corker. That doesn't make the style of Ford's defeat any less disappointing. But at least it makes it poetic.

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How Rumsfeld's Resignation Is Playing in Iraq



News of the Defense Secretary's departure had relatively little impact on most Iraqis. But they're looking to the Democrats' victory to help speed a withdrawal of U.S. troops
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If Rumsfeld was an ogre for the anti-war movement in the West, in Iraq he was never anything like a bogeyman. Only a few Western-educated politicians really understand the role of a U.S. Secretary of Defense, and what power it commands. Rumsfeld's persona — that dismissive arrogance that so infuriated his critics at home — was usually lost in translation on Arabic-language TV.

To most Iraqis, this is Bush's war, and Rumsfeld is just some guy who implemented the President's ideas. In three and a half years here, I have seldom heard Rumsfeld's name mentioned in conversations with Iraqis, whether politicians or ordinary folks. Even insurgent leaders rarely invoke his name: Rumsfeld is occasionally named in their statements and videos, but never in conversation. (Condi Rice, perhaps because she is a woman, comes up more often.) In a society long used to dictatorship, the notion that an American official other than President Bush can wield considerable power simply doesn't compute.

So while there's a certain amount of schadenfreude over his exit, the notion that Iraqis are celebrating the end of "the man responsible for Abu Ghraib" (as some Western media reports are suggesting) is vastly overstated.

There is more interest, however, in the results of the midterm elections. On Thursday, Iraqi TV stations extensively reported the Democrats' victories in the House and Senate, but scarcely mentioned Rumsfeld. Among Iraqis in the Green Zone — which is to say the political "sophisticates" — Rumsfeld's departure, taken together with the Democrats' capture of the House and Senate, can mean only one thing: a quicker withdrawal of U.S. troops.

"In America, they can use terms like 'changing course' and 'new strategy,' but in Iraq the only thing of interest is how long the American soldiers remain," says a Western diplomat in Baghdad. "The received wisdom here has been that if the Republicans lose, the withdrawal will be speeded up. (Rumsfeld's departure) only confirms that suspicion."

Whether a speedier withdrawal is a good thing or bad thing depends on whether you live in the Green Zone or in the Red Zone. In the Baghdad street, almost anybody you speak with wants the U.S. forces out — yesterday. Over and over again, opinion polls have shown that the majority of Iraqis, across the sectarian and ethnic categories, see the U.S. presence as a part of the problem rather than part of the solution. But Iraqi leaders take the more realistic view that the U.S. presence, although irksome, is necessary.

So a speedier withdrawal would be bad news for people in the Green Zone. Some see the Dems' victory and Rumsfeld's exit as the latest in a long line of bad omens, which include the creation of the Baker committee and the ever louder drumbeat of gotta-change-strategy rhetoric emanating from Washington in recent months. "There are changes coming (in America's Iraq strategy)," says Zuhair Humadi, a former general-secretary of the Iraqi cabinet of ministers. "Rumsfeld leaving is the first step."

The Iraqi government is making the usual polite noises about Rumsfeld's exit and the Democrats' victory being "an internal matter for the Bush administration." But it, too, is trying to put a positive gloss on this week's events. Bassam Ridah, an advisor to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, told TIME: "We're not going to make a big deal of (Rumsfeld's departure). We're going to hope that his replacement benefits us. We're hoping the change will mean better execution of the plan to train Iraqi security forces to take charge of the security situation."

Others are more blunt. "If the U.S. withdraws, Iran takes over - it is as simple as that," says Dr. Mehdi al-Hafed, a prominent MP from former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi's secular block and one of Iraq's most respected politicians. "The Americans have to ask themselves if such an outcome is acceptable to them."

The U.S. military brass in Baghdad have not yet responded to requests for comment. But a senior European commander in the Coalition forces told TIME he didn't expect a sudden change in course. "Even if there is a change of strategy, it will probably take six months to execute," he said. " This is a very big machine, and it takes time to change."

The European commander contended that, rather than the Pentagon or the White House, the main driver of a change in military strategy will be the Democratic Congress, which will have control of the purse-strings. "At the end of the day, all strategy is based on the money available," he said. "And if the Congress slows the spending on Iraq, that would force us to change things on the ground."

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The Man Who'll Replace Rummy




Bob Gates is a Bush family hand from way back. But he'll need all his skills, and lucky stones too, as he takes on the second-hardest job in Washington
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The last time presumptive Pentagon boss Robert M. Gates faced Senate confirmation — for CIA director in 1991— he put a small good luck charm in his pocket. It was a smooth, white, oblong stone he'd picked up while hiking in Washington state's Olympic range. Gates put it in his pocket to remind him during the tough confirmation hearings that there was life after Washington if his nomination went down to defeat.

Gates is likely to be confirmed as the next Secretary of Defense and he would bring to the job intimate knowledge of the White House, the Congress, the CIA and military intelligence. But he might want to dig the stone out of his belongings just in case.

Traditionally, the job of Defense Secretary goes to a person who sets a tone and policy atop the national defense structure while a deputy actually runs the building day to day. Rumsfeld tried to do both. Gates would fit the traditional pattern if he is confirmed.

The Kansas-born Gates is a Bush family hand from way back. He served Bush's father as deputy national security adviser and later as CIA director. He was a rare hardliner in the Bush 41 White House, famously suspicious of Mikhail Gorbachev and closer ideologically to then-Defense boss Dick Cheney than to Colin Powell and James Baker.

But Gates was chiefly a lifetime CIA officer, who rose quickly through the agency's Russia and Soviet ranks during the 1970s and 1980s. He was marked for higher office by Reagan CIA Director William Casey but was slowed in his rise by minor involvement in the Iran-Contra scandal in the late 1980s, when Gates was Casey's Deputy director at the agency. That misstep cost him the chance to replace Casey during the Reagan years; Bush's father named him CIA director a few years later after the Iran-contra smoke cleared.

During Gates' second CIA confirmation hearings he was charged with cooking intelligence by CIA insiders and making it more favorable to White House policy makers; Gates rebutted the charges sufficiently to get confirmed. Many Democrats voted against him nonetheless.

After leaving government, Gates wrote a book entitled From The Shadows and became president of Texas A & M University, the home of the George Herbert Walker Bush Presidential Library. Recently, he was named a member of the James Baker-Lee Hamilton commission on Iraq.

Gates is an affable, soft-spoken man who can tell a good story and has a generous sense of humor. He'll need all those skills and more to run a Pentagon amid a war that few believe the U.S. is winning.

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How Rumsfeld's Resignation Is Playing in Iraq

News of the Defense Secretary's departure had relatively little impact on most Iraqis. But they're looking to the Democrats' victory to help speed a withdrawal of U.S. troops.


If Rumsfeld was an ogre for the anti-war movement in the West, in Iraq he was never anything like a bogeyman. Only a few Western-educated politicians really understand the role of a U.S. Secretary of Defense, and what power it commands. Rumsfeld's persona — that dismissive arrogance that so infuriated his critics at home — was usually lost in translation on Arabic-language TV.

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Rumsfeld's Departure Is a Mixed Blessing for Rice




The Secretary of State and the Defense Secretary were often at cross purposes. Finally rid of her nemesis, however, Secretary Rice is left to clean up on her own
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Three and a half years ago, as the U.S. prepared for war with Iraq, Condoleezza Rice went to President Bush with a complaint: Donald Rumsfeld wouldn't return her calls. At the time, Rumsfeld was the Administration's swaggering alpha male, a global celebrity whom even Bush called a "matinee idol"; Rice was the overwhelmed National Security Adviser, struggling to make herself heard above the din of colliding war-cabinet egos. "I know you won't talk to Condi," Bush told Rumsfeld, according to Bob Woodward's book State of Denial. "But you've got to talk to her."

That exchange provided hints of the feuds to come. Though both maintained the appearance of collegiality, Rice and Rumsfeld loathed each other. Throughout Woodward's book they are depicted squabbling over everything from how to handle detainees at Guantanamo Bay to whether the U.S. should guard oil pipelines in Iraq. As the war dragged on, their roles were reversed: By the end of the book it is Rumsfeld who is left to doodle in his notebook while Rice briefs reporters during a joint appearance in Baghdad. "Don's Don," Rice says, when Frank Miller, a top aide, calls Rumsfeld a bully. "We'll deal with it."

Now she has. Rumsfeld's departure means Rice has outlasted nearly all of her principal rivals within the Bush Administration; among current officials, only Vice President Dick Cheney can match Rice's influence over the President and his foreign policy. But every silver lining has a cloud. Having bemoaned, circumvented and ultimately usurped Rumsfeld's control over the U.S.'s failing Iraq policy, Rice is now the one responsible for figuring out how to clean it up.

She hasn't done much so far. In her early months as Secretary of State, Rice would sidestep questions about Iraq by stating that the presence of 150,000 troops on the ground meant it was mostly the Pentagon's problem. But that argument has become less persuasive as the violence has continued and all military options — short of a massive increase in U.S. troops — have proven ineffective in dealing with the insurgency. By now, even Bush's dog Barney knows that extricating ourselves from Iraq will require cutting some ugly political deals with an assortment of rogues, who might be willing to help stabilize Iraq in return for a piece of the country's future: Sunni Baathist rebels and Shi'ite Islamists, Iranian spooks and Arab strongmen. That, at least, is one option currently under consideration by the Iraq Study Group, the panel headed by former Secretary of State James Baker, whom Rice prodded Bush to appoint in part to clip Rumsfeld's wings.

But as America's top diplomat and the President's most trusted lieutenant, Rice can't simply stay on the sidelines. The Iraq situation demands an immediate, high-profile, region-wide push for an acceptable political settlement, followed by a U.S. withdrawal. But that won't be possible until Rice accepts that her legacy will hinge not on spreading democracy or stopping genocide or facing down Iran, but on whether she can limit the damage to U.S. power and prestige caused by the Adminstration's misadventure in Iraq. In her two years as Secretary of State, Rice's achievements have consisted mostly of projecting a more conciliatory U.S. image to the world and outflanking her rivals at home. She has pushed Bush to abandon talk of regime change and pursue diplomacy with Iran and North Korea. But those successes have more to do with process than with substance. And they have done nothing to resolve the question of whether Rice is truly willing to risk failure, and her reputation, in a concerted effort to get the U.S. out of a messy, misbegotten war. Rice no longer has to worry about whether Rumsfeld will return her calls. Now she has to come up with the answers on her own.

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Prison for Asian sex slave gang


Six men who made up a human trafficking gang that forced Malaysian women to work as prostitutes in the UK have been sentenced to 17 years in prison.

The men, of Malaysian or Vietnamese nationality, were handed the jail terms at Southwark crown court after pleading guilty to trafficking women into UK for purposes of sexual exploitation and controlling prostitution for gain.

The gang coerced women into leaving the south-east Asian country with false promises of the prospect of legitimate jobs in the hotel and services industry, with one women even believing she was visiting London on a sightseeing trip.

Upon arriving in Britain their passports and return tickets were seized by a member of the gang, who then forced the women to work in one of their brothels to pay off the debt of the plane tickets.

This week's sentencing brings an end to a five-month operation by the Metropolitan police's clubs and vice unit, which successfully brought down two brothels managed by the trafficking ring, one in London and the other in Birmingham.

Thanh Hue Thi, 44, a cook living at an unnamed north London hotel, was handed a seven and a half year jail sentence after pleading guilty to both trafficking and controlling prostitution, while 50-year-old Kenny Low, a chef from Denham Street, central London, was given a five and a half year spell behind bars for the same offences.

Kwok Leong Hoh, 26, Hay Park, Edgbaston, Birmingham; Choon Fong Loh, 64, Hyde Park Road, central London; and Leng Wah Loh, 40, Holliday Street, Berkhamstead, Hertfordshire, were all sentenced to 15 months in prison after pleading guilty to gaining from prostitution.

The sixth man sentenced, 21-year-old student Godfrey Wong from Rough Hill Drive, Rowley Regis, Birmingham, was handed a 12-month sentence for the same offence.

Following the Met's raids upon the brothels on May 10th of this year, 21 women were rescued, although officers estimate that hundreds of women had been abused in this way before returning home to Malaysia.

Women in either of the brothels in Hyde Park Street; and Hay Park, Edgbaston, Birmingham were forced to work for 12 hours starting at 18:00 GMT everyday and were not allowed outside when not accompanied by a member of the gang.

Police estimate that the six gang members made more than £2 million a year from the brothels, which helped them to lead a "lavish lifestyle", including the shared used of an upmarket property in St Johns Wood, central London.

Speaking after sentencing today, Detective Chief Superintendent Ian Dyson said: "The women that we were able to rescue were only the tip of the iceberg. This criminal gang trafficked hundreds of Malaysian women into the UK many of whom will have believed they were going to work in legitimate professions but found themselves forced and coerced into working in brothels.

"Rather than leaving the UK with the money they had hoped to earn they have returned home abused and mentally scarred."

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Nine women arrested for alleged involvement in prostitution


Nina Muslim


Nine Filipinas have been arrested for alleged involvement in prostitution, following a police complaint filed by Philippine authorities on behalf of three women, who had been tricked into prostitution.

The Philippine Consulate General said the nine, most of them believed to be prostitutes, were arrested at their villa in Rigga on October 30.

Rafael Palencia, assistance to nationals officer at the Philippine Consulate General in Dubai, told Gulf News that the police acted on a complaint filed by the consulate and three women, who had come to the consulate seeking help after escaping their pimps on October 20.

"We are fed up with these pimps and requested the police to take action. Credit should go to the police for their quick action," he said.

"This is a breakthrough and will serve as warning that we will coordinate with authorities."

The consulate has received more than 30 cases since it opened its doors last year.

Palencia said this was the first time the consulate directly informed the police on prostitution cases involving their citizens.

He said the consulate did not take direct action previously. Some of the victims were reluctant to press charges or were "willing victims".

He said consulate officials would discuss the arrests and whether to pursue their own charges against the women if and when they were deported to the Philippines.

The Philippines have stringent anti-human trafficking laws, with penalties ranging from a lengthy jail sentence to death depending on the severity of the charges.

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Two Indian women escape after being forced into prostitution in Dubai


Two Indian women, who were allegedly forced into prostitution in Sharjah, have escaped from the clutches of their captors.

The women, aged 31 and 32, made their getaway yesterday from a flat where they were locked up, and have been brought to the Indian consulate in Dubai. They had come to the UAE on September 10 after being offered jobs as cleaners by an agent in Kerala.

One of them was quoted by gulf news as saying that they were forced to work for long hours.

"I have three children back home and I came here to work as a cleaner. I have not been paid at all. I am also scared ... What if I have contracted some disease," she said.

The woman said the news of her father's death forced her to revolt against the 'agents'. When they refused to entertain any more men, they were both locked up in the flat as punishment.

"For the first couple of the days the agents' men came with food, but later their visits stopped. Left alone, we planned our escape. We came across a screwdriver... Slowly we unscrewed the lock and got out of the flat early in the morning," said the woman.

K A Mathews, president of the Indian Association Sharjah, said he was in touch with the department of Non-Resident Indian Affairs in Kerala as well as the Indian Minister for Overseas Affairs Vayalar Ravi and had given details about the two women.

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Today in history - Nov. 9


The Associated Press

Today is Thursday, Nov. 9, the 313th day of 2006. There are 52 days left in the year.

Today's Highlight in History:

On Nov. 9, 1965, the great Northeast blackout occurred as a series of power failures lasting up to 13.5 hours left 30 million people in seven states and two Canadian provinces without electricity.

On this date:

In 1872, fire destroyed nearly 1,000 buildings in Boston.

In 1918, it was announced that Germany's Kaiser Wilhelm II would abdicate. He then fled to the Netherlands.

In 1935, United Mine Workers president John L. Lewis and other labor leaders formed the Committee for Industrial Organization (later Congress of Industrial Organizations).

In 1938, Nazis looted and burned synagogues as well as Jewish-owned stores and houses in Germany and Austria in what became known as "Kristallnacht."

In 1953, author-poet Dylan Thomas died in New York at age 39.

In 1963, twin disasters struck Japan as some 450 miners were killed in a coal-dust explosion, and about 160 people died in a train crash.

In 1967, a Saturn V rocket carrying an unmanned Apollo spacecraft blasted off from Cape Kennedy, Fla., on a successful test flight.

In 1976, the U.N. General Assembly approved 10 resolutions condemning apartheid in South Africa, including one characterizing the white-ruled government as "illegitimate."

In 1986, Israel revealed it was holding Mordechai Vanunu, a former nuclear technician who'd vanished after providing information to a British newspaper about Israel's nuclear weapons program. (Vanunu was convicted of treason and served 18 years in prison.)

In 1989, communist East Germany threw open its borders, allowing citizens to travel freely to the West; joyous Germans danced atop the Berlin Wall.

Ten years ago: President Clinton used his weekly radio address to condemn the decision of the nation's distillers to end their voluntary ban on airing hard-liquor ads, calling it "simply irresponsible." Evander Holyfield upset Mike Tyson to win the WBA heavyweight title in an 11-round fight in Las Vegas.

Five years ago: The northern alliance proclaimed victory over the Taliban in the city of Mazar-e-Sharif, the most significant prize in northern Afghanistan.

One year ago: Three suicide bombers carried out nearly simultaneous attacks on three U.S.-based hotels in Amman, Jordan, killing 60 victims, and wounding hundreds. Oil executives testified before Congress that their huge profits were justified, but got a skeptical reaction from lawmakers. Carolina's Erik Cole became the first player in NHL history to be awarded two penalty shots in one game. (Cole scored on the first, helping the Hurricanes defeat Buffalo 5-3.)

Today's Birthdays: Sportscaster Charlie Jones is 76. Baseball executive Whitey Herzog is 75. Former Sen. Bob Graham (news, bio, voting record), D-Fla., is 70. Singer Mary Travers is 70. Actor Charlie Robinson ("Night Court") is 61. Movie director Bille August is 58. Actor Robert David Hall ("CSI") is 58. Actor Lou Ferrigno is 54. Gospel singer Donnie McClurkin is 47. Rock musician Dee Plakas (L7) is 46. Rapper Pepa (Salt-N-Pepa) is 37. Rapper Scarface (Geto Boys) is 37. Blues singer Susan Tedeschi is 36. Actor Eric Dane is 34. Singer Nick Lachey (98 Degrees) is 33. Rhythm-and-blues singer Sisqo (Dru Hill) is 28.

Thought for Today: "Half the world is composed of people who have something to say and can't, and the other half who have nothing to say and keep on saying it." — Robert Frost, American poet (1874-1963).

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